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dc.contributor.advisorSkidmore, Max J., 1933-eng
dc.contributor.authorAdams, Donald Elwineng
dc.coverage.spatialUnited Stateseng
dc.date.issued2014-07-28eng
dc.date.submitted2014 Springeng
dc.descriptionTitle from PDF of title page, viewed on July 28, 2014eng
dc.descriptionThesis advisor: Max J. Skidmoreeng
dc.descriptionVitaeng
dc.descriptionIncludes bibliographical references (pages 389-406)eng
dc.descriptionThesis (M. A.)--Dept. of Political Science. University of Missouri--Kansas City, 2014eng
dc.description.abstractThe United States of America has never formally declared a cultural policy nor established a Cabinet-level department of cultural affairs, as many other nations have in the post-World War II era--depriving the American people a foundation and context for transparent, open deliberation over the nature and priorities of public cultural policy. The values that constitute our de facto policy must be discerned through the aggregate of specialized policymaking and action taken by federal, state, and local governments. Our reluctance to declare formal policy is partly due to the nation's stance in conducting the Cold War--focused around an exaggerated Soviet threat--and its associated domestic anti-communist campaigning. In examining the historic record, "Collateral Damage" tells the story of anti-communism through much of the twentieth century, focusing on its cultural impact. The historical narrative follows from the first mass expression of anti-communist sentiment nationally, in the Red Scare of 1919, through its later expression in the "McCarthy era" of the Fifties, and its legacy since. Various approaches to cultural policy emerge throughout; but I focus especially on the contrasting federal cultural programs of the New Deal and those of domestic cultural agencies established in the 1960's. This story reveals how politicians and policymakers relied upon religious values were for Cold War purposes, rather than crafting secular statements of national cultural values. The study identifies six other significant impacts of anti-communism on U.S. cultural policy since the Sixties: the primacy of the private sector; Euro-centric bias in defining the cultural field; an approach to cultural diversity that marginalizes voices from outside traditional fine-arts contexts; a proscription against engagement with social issues in the arts and humanities; the replacement of democracy with "free enterprise" as the driving spirit in cultural policy; and a U.S. stance in international cultural-policy deliberations that tends to interpret transnational cultural issues in terms of commerce and national security. The study concludes with a suggestion of what a secular statement of national cultural policy might resemble, using First Lady Michelle Obama's address to the Democratic National Convention in 2012 as an exampleeng
dc.description.tableofcontentsAbstract -- Acknowledgements -- Preface -- Introduction -- Cultural policy: bringing culture in -- The birth of American communism -- The red scare of 1919: "No Compromise!" -- Entr'acte: cultural policy in the roaring twenties -- A New deal in federal cultural policy -- Entr'acte: World War II & the postwar order -- Domestic anti-communism in postwar America -- Globalizing anti-communism -- Domesticating cultural policy -- Conclusion: Healing our collateral damage - Reference listeng
dc.format.extentxvi, 407 pageseng
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/10355/43563eng
dc.subject.lcshAnti-communist movements -- United Stateseng
dc.subject.lcshPolitics and cultureeng
dc.subject.lcshCold War -- Decision makingeng
dc.subject.otherThesis -- University of Missouri--Kansas City -- Political scienceeng
dc.titleCollateral damage: anti-communism & U.S. cultural policyeng
dc.typeThesiseng
thesis.degree.disciplinePolitical Science (UMKC)eng
thesis.degree.grantorUniversity of Missouri--Kansas Cityeng
thesis.degree.levelMasterseng
thesis.degree.nameM. A.eng


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